社会契约论
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作者(法)让-雅克·卢梭(Jean-Jacques Rousseau)著
出版社译林出版社
ISBN9787544759922
出版时间2015-09
装帧平装
开本32开
定价23元
货号8679113
上书时间2024-12-27
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导语摘要
由让-雅克·卢梭著的《社会契约论(英文版)》是法国思想家卢梭于1762年写成的一本书。《社会契约论》中主权在民的思想，是现代民主制度的基石，深刻地影响了逐步废除欧洲君主绝对权力的运动，和18世纪末北美殖民地摆脱英帝国统治、建立民主制度的斗争。
本书是全英文版。如果要评定影响人类历史的一百部经典，卢梭的《社会契约论》必定榜上有名；如果只评定十部这样的经典，《社会契约论》同样不会名落孙山。处在革命时代的各国资产阶级把它当作福音书，天赋人权的思想至今仍然深刻地影响着这个世界。
作者简介
卢梭（1712―1778）是法国有名启蒙思想家、哲学家、教育家、文学家，出生于瑞士日内瓦一个钟表匠的家庭，是18世纪法国大革命的思想先驱，启蒙运动很好的代表人物之一。在哲学上，卢梭主张感觉是认识的来源，坚持“自然神论”的观点；强调人性本善，信仰高于理性。在社会观上，卢梭坚持社会契约论，主张建立资产阶级的“理性王国”；主张自由平等，反对大私有制及其压迫；提出“天赋人权说”，反对专制、暴政。在教育上，他主张教育目的在培养自然人；反对封建教育戕害、轻视儿童，要求提高儿童在教育中的地位；主张改革教育内容和方法，顺应儿童的本性，让他们的身心自由发展，反映了资产阶级和广大劳动人民从封建专制主义下解放出来的要求。主要著作有《论人类不平等的起源和基础》、《社会契约论》、《爱弥儿》、《忏悔录》等。
目录
Introduction
A Note on the Text and Translation
Select Bibliography
A Chronology of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
POLITICAL ECONOMY
Ⅰ.
Ⅱ.
Ⅲ.
THE SOCIAL CONTRACT
Prefatory Note
BOOK Ⅰ
ⅰ.The Subject of the First Book
ⅱ.The First Societies
ⅲ.The Right of the Strongest
ⅳ.Slavery
ⅴ.That It Is Always Necessary to Go Back to
an Original Convention
ⅵ.The So Pact
ⅶ.The Sovereign
ⅷ.The Civil State
ⅸ.Property
BOOK Ⅱ
ⅰ.That Sovereignty Cannot Be Transferred
ⅱ.That Sovereignty Cannot Be Divided
ⅲ.Whether the General Will Can Err
ⅳ.The Limits of Sovereign Power
ⅴ.The Right of Life and Death
ⅵ.The Law
ⅶ.The Legislator
ⅸ.The Same Continued
ⅹ.The Same Continued
ⅹⅰ.The Various Systems of Legislation
ⅹⅱ.The Categories of Law
BOOK Ⅲ
ⅰ.Government in General
ⅱ.The Constituent Principle of the Various Forms of Government
ⅲ.The Classification of Governments
ⅳ.Democracy
ⅴ.Aristocracy
ⅵ.Monarchy
ⅶ.Mixed Forms of Government
ⅷ.That Not All Forms of Government Are Suitable for Every Country
ⅸ.The Signs of Good Government
ⅹ.The Abuse of Government and Its Tendency to Degenerate
ⅹⅰ.The Death of the Body Politic
ⅹⅱ.How Sovereign Authority Is Maintained
ⅹⅲ.The Same Continued
ⅹⅳ.The Same Continued
ⅹⅴ.Deputies or Representatives
ⅹⅵ.That the Institution of a Government Is Not a Contract
ⅹⅶ.The Institution of a Government
ⅹⅷ.A Means of Preventing Government from Usurping Power
BOOK Ⅳ
ⅰ.That the General Will Is Indestructible
ⅱ.Voting
ⅲ.Elections
ⅳ.The Roman Comitia
ⅴ.The Tribunate
ⅵ.The Office of Dictator
ⅶ.The Office of Censor
ⅷ.The Civil Religion
ⅸ.Conclusion
Appendix: The General Society of the Human Race
Explanatory Notes
Index
内容摘要
牛津大学出版百年旗舰产品，权威英文版本原汁
原味呈现，资深编辑专为阅读进阶定制，文学评论名家妙趣横生解读。
发表于1762年的《社会契约论(英文版)》是让-雅克·卢梭最重要的政治著作，书中提出的“主权在民”思想具有划时代的意义，是现代民主政治的基石。其核心思想“合法的国家必须根据普遍意志来进行管理”代表了人民专制对旧有制度的替代，象征了主权和自由。
精彩内容
牛津大学出版百年旗舰产品，英文版本原汁原味呈现，资历编辑专为阅读进阶定制，文学评论名家妙趣横生解读。发表于1762年的《社会契约论(英文版)》是让-雅克·卢梭很重要的政治著作，书中提出的“主权在民”思想具有划时代的意义，是现代民主政治的基石。其核心思想“合法的国家必须根据普遍意志来进行管理”代表了人民专制对旧有制度的替代，象征了主权和自由。
媒体评论
BOOK II INTEND to examine whether, in the ordering of society, there can be any reliable and legitimate rule of administration, taking men as they are, and laws as they can be. I shall try, throughout my enquiry, to combine what is allowed by right* with what is prescribed by self-interest, in order that justice and utility should not be separated. I begin my discussion without proving the importance of my subject. People will ask me whether I write on politics because I am a ruler or legislator. I answer that I am not; and that is the reason why I write on politics. If I were a ruler or a legislator, I should not waste my time saying what ought to be done; I should do it, or hold my peace. I was born a citizen of a free state and a member of its sovereign body,* and however weak may be the influence of my voice in public affairs, my right to vote on them suffices to impose on me the duty of studying them. How happy I am, each time that I reflect on governments, always to find new reasons, in my researches, to cherish the government of my country!Chapter iThe Subject of the First BookMan was born free,* and everywhere he is in chains. There are some who may believe themselves masters of others, and are no less enslaved than they. How has this change come about? I do not know. How can it be made legitimate That is a question which I believe I can resolve. If I were to consider force alone, and the effects that it produces, I should say: for so long as a nation is constrained to obey, and does so, it does well; as soon as it is able to throw off its servitude, and does so, it does better; for since it regains freedom by the same right that was exercised when its freedom was seized, either the nation was justified in taking freedom back, or else those who took it away were unjustified in doing so. Whereas the social order is sacred right, and provides a foundation for all other rights. Yet it is a right that does not come from nature; therefore it is based on agreed conventions. Our business is to find out what those conventions are. Before we come to that, I must make good the assertion that I have just put forward.Chapter iiThe First SocietiesTHE most ancient of all societies, and the only one that is natural, is the family. Even in this case, the bond between children and father persists only so long as they have need of him for their conservation. As soon as this need ceases, the natural bond is dissolved. The children are released from the obedience they owe to their father, the father is released from the duty of care to the children, and all become equally independent. If they continue to remain living together, it is not by nature but voluntarily, and the family itself is maintained only through convention. * Tis shared freedom is result of man’s nature. His first law is his won conservation, his first cares are owed to himself; as soon as he reaches the age of reason, he alone is the judge of how best to look after himself, and thus he becomes his own master.If we wish, then, the family may be regarded as the first model of political society: the leader corresponds to the father, the people to the children, and all being born free and equal, none alienates his freedom except for reasons of utility. The sole difference is that, in the family, the father is paid for the care he takes of his children by the love he bears them, while in the state this love is replaced by the pleasure of being in command, the chief having no love for his people. Grotius denies that all human power is instituted for the benefit of the governed. * He cites slavery as an example; his commonest mode of reasoning is to base a right on a fact. A more logical method could be employed, but not one that is more favourable to tyrants. It is therefore doubtful, following Grotius, whether the human race belongs to a hundred or so men, or whether these hundred men belong to the human race, and he seems inclined, throughout his book, towards the former opinion. This is Hobbes’s view also.* Behold then the human race divided into herds of cattle, each with its chief, who preserves it in order to devour it. ‘As a shepherd is of a nature superior to that of his flock, so too the shepherds of men, their chiefs, are of a nature superior to their peoples’—this argument, according to Philo, was used by the Emperor Caligula;* who would conclude (correctly enough, given his analogy) either that kings were gods or that the people were animals. The reasoning employed by this Caligula amounts to the same as that of Hobbes and Grotius. Aristotle* too had said, earlier than any of them, that men are not naturally equal, but that some are born for slavery and some for mastery. Aristotle was right, but he took the effect for the cause. Any man who is born in slavery is born for slavery; there is nothing surer. Slaves in their chains lose everything, even the desire to be rid of them; they love their servitude, like the companions of Odysseus, who loved their brutishness. If there are slaves by nature, it is because slaves have been made against nature. The first slaves were made by force, and they remained so through cowardice. I have said nothing of King Adam or of the Emperor Noah, the father of three great monarches who shared the universe among themselves, like the children of Saturn, with whom they have been identified.* I hope that my restraint in this respect will be appreciated; for being descended directly from one or other of these princes, and maybe from the senior branch of the family, who knows but that, if my entitlement were verified, I might not find that I am the legitimate ki
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